Sanger’s Example

Sanger (1988; Hitchcock 1993; in Sofield, 2000) provides an example of the interface between tourism and traditional culture with an emic analysis of changes to the barong dance dramas of the village of Singapadu in Bali. Barong performances have been adapted in a variety of ways to suit tourist needs. They have been shortened from more than three hours to about one hour. They include new sequences and slapstick moments which transcend linguistic boundaries to enhance enjoyment for tourists. Women have been introduced to play female roles which traditionally only men had played. Trance sequences with Kris (daggers) and the eating of live chickens have been omitted because of tourist disapproval (Sofield).

However, the villagers have not interpreted these changes in terms of cultural denigration (Sanger, 1988; in Sofield, 2000). First, they have maintained the traditional prayers and offerings at the beginning of each performance and continue to treat the barong with great respect. Second, the oldest and holiest barong costume is not used for commercial performances so it is not desecrated. Third, the villagers maintain that the baring likes to dance whatever the circumstances. Fourth, ‘ownership’ of the barong provides a resource which the villagers can utilize for much-needed cash income and, since the tourist revenue is distributed communally, the charge of individual greed is inaccurate. Finally, the barong reinforces community solidarity in much the same way as the vilavilairevo of Fiji and Sanger records that during the monsoons the villagers miss the opportunity it provides to come together during the tourist season. In this instance, commoditization of culture may be reversed and considered as a process of ‘culturising commercialism’, since local traditions have not been modified in culturally acceptable ways. ‘Original’ traditions now exist with ‘new’ traditions in the same time and space and ‘touristic culture is very much part of the reality’.